Citations are to the page numbers in the appropriate volume of the Aguilar edition. (N. del A.)

As Juana Truel observes, the use of this pattern does not stop with Galdós. Pereda clearly uses it to «reply» to Doña Perfecta by having the city intruder import corruption into the innocent society of La Montaña. It was a reply which did not disturb Galdós at all when read aloud to him by Pereda before publication. From the tone of his letter on the subject, it seems to have amused him: «El éxito de ese libro será completo, y podrá V. contemplar con júbilo el destrozo que su caballero hará en las falanges progresistas. Si la sátira antiprogresista es como me la figuro, y como recuerdo por lo que de la obra me leyó V., no la creo injusta». Carmen Bravo Villasante, «28 cartas de Galdós a Pereda», CuH, 250-252, página 27. For Rómulo Gallegos' adaptation of the pattern in Doña Bárbara, see D. L. Sisto, «Doña Perfecta and Doña Bárbara», H, 1953, pp. 167-170, and Ulrich Leo, Rómulo Gallegos, estudio sobre el arte de novelar, Caracas, 1954, págs. 73-98.

My feeling is that the descriptive and situational coincidences (remarked on by Vernon A. Chamberlin and Jack Weiner «Galdós' Doña Perfecta and Turgenev's Fathers and Sons», PMLA, LXXXVI, 1971, pp. 19-24) correspond to a possible parallel reading of Eugénie Grandet as well as to Galdós' recognition and exploitation of the resemblance to the original. (N. del A.)

As far as I know (which is admittedly not very far), no one has studied Balzac's invention of exploitable narrative patterns. In addition to the disturbing arrival of an outsider into a closed society (a pattern springing naturally from the dichotomy of Paris and provinces as can be seen at the beginning of Béatrix), I am thinking of that of a heterogenous group which interreacts after being caught by chance in a tense situation as in Jésus Christ en Flandres of which the first derivation (or reinvention) was Maupassant's Boule de Suif. Never used by linear narrators prior to Balzac, it has since become mainstay both of the novel (Ship of Fools) and above all of the cinema. Related and just as important is the invention of the pattern of the «family» novel (first adapted by Galdós in León Roch: «Aussi regarde-je la Famille et non l'Individu comme le véritable élément social». Avant propos, p. 9. (N. del A.)

Les Paysans, La Comédie humaine, VIII (La Pléiade), Paris, 1949, ed. M. Bouteron, p. 11. (N. del A.)

See for example, Los cien mil hijos de San Luis (1648) and La segunda casaca (1421) for the extended use of the term. (N. del A.)

Op. cit., p. 82. (N. del A.)

A qué llamamos España, Madrid, 1972, p. 144. (N. del A.)

For the complex mixture of motives underlying certain aspects of Castro's «edad conflictiva» see my The Spain of Fernando de Rojas, Princeton, N. J., 1972, pp. 184 et seq. (N. del A.)

Ángel del Río noticed this solidarity but did not come to Laín's grave conclusions: «Galdós percibió -mientras historiaba la sociedad de las primeras décadas del siglo, de la época fernandina- que la pugna siempre activa entre lo antiguo y lo nuevo estaba radicado en lo religioso, en las creencias tanto o más que en los intereses y en la división de clases». Historia de la literatura española, II, New York, 1963, p. 202. (N. del A.)

«[...] una cosa teatral y de mentirijillas que no alterara nada en el fondo, sino en la superficie, y que contentándose con fórmulas verificase un razonable y justo cambio de personas, que es, al fin y al postre, lo más conveniente». La segunda casaca (1419) Galdós as usual is, as our students used to say, relevant. (N. del A.)