Author of Silves de la Selva, Book 12 of the Amadís series, as well as the Colloquios matrimoniales; discussed in section 12B of my bibliography.
Author of Olivante de Laura, as well as the Colloquios satíricos and the Jardín de flores curiosas; see section EE of my bibliography for several publications about his works.
One can see in Weddige, pp. 235-91, how the same clichés, taken in several cases directly or indirectly from the Spanish critics, were repeated in Germany.
See the introduction to my edition of the Espejo de príncipes, I, liii-lv.
I have quoted some statements from the prologues in n. 55 to I, liii, of my edition of the Espejo de príncipes.
Such as Sebastián de Córdoba's Garcilaso a lo divino, recently edited by Glen R. Gale (Madrid: Castalia, 1971). On literature a lo divino in general, see Dámaso Alonso, Poesía española. Ensayo de métodos y límites estilísticos, 5th edition (Madrid: Gredos, 1966), pp. 220-68, and Bruce W. Wardropper, «The Religious Conversion of Profane Poetry», in Studies in the Continental Background of Renaissance English Literature: Essays Presented to John L. Livesay (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1977), pp. 203-21. For a study of a specific romance of chivalry a lo divino (the Historia y milicia cristiana del caballero Peregrino, of Alonso de Soria [1601]), see Pedro Sainz Rodríguez, «Una posible fuente de El Criticón de Gracián», Archivo Teológico Granadino, 25 (1962), 7-21.
Discussed by George Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, sixth American edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1891), I, 257-60. See also on this book, and on the romances of chivalry a lo divino in general, Orígenes de la novela, I, 447-52.
Worth mentioning at this point is a little-known book often confused with the romances of chivalry a lo divino, the Cavallería cristiana of Jaime de Alcalá. The book bears no date, and has been thought to be from the middle of the sixteenth century, but F. J. Norton (A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal, 1501-1520 [Cambridge University Press, 1978], p. 448) has identified it as the work of the Valencian printer Jaime Costilla and assigned it the date of c. 1515. Rather than a work of chivalric fiction, it is a treatise on religious «warfare». As Alcalá says on fol. 2r-v: «Visto que algunas personas ocupavan mucho su tiempo en leer hystorias de romana cavalleria y de algunas ficiones y sueños como Amadis y otras semejantes, no por esso condenando los cavalleros y personas que con la lança en la mano son obligados y su linaje y virtud los conbida y fuerça para morir por la justicia, que para informarse en el arte de su milicia lean a Vejecio, y para avisarse en la batalla los excelentes ardides de los romanos y troianos vean, paresciome ser cosa razonable, ya por esso no dexassen de saber la mas alta cavalleria que con pleito y omenaje en el santo baptismo... Y asi, por informacion destos cristianos cavalleros, ocupé un poco de tiempo en hazer un libro de caballeria cristiana intitulado. Ca como diga Job a los siete capitulos que la vida del hombre es una cavalleria sobre la tierra, y segun sentencia de San Juan en su primera epistola tengamos tres enemigos spirituales, el mundo, el diablo y la carne, los catholicos cristianos que desean alcançar la corona de la gloria del cielo conviene que fielmente peleen aqui en el suelo contra nuestro principal adversario, el diablo».
It should not be forgotten that the protests of the moralists, particularly the earliest, best-informed ones, were not limited to the romances of chivalry. Vives, Pineda, and Guevara all complain about the Celestina, Vives about a list of other works, including Poggio, Guevara about the Cárcel de amor, Pedro Malón de Chaide, and others following him, about the «Dianas y Boscanes y Garcilasos». Oviedo censured all fiction, not just the romances of chivalry (Memorias, II, 535-56 and 579-80).
Ángel González Palencia, Del Lazarillo a Quevedo (Madrid: CSIC, 1946), pp. 10-11, attacked by Marcel Bataillon in Novedad y fecundidad del Lazarillo de Tormes, trans. Luis Cortés Vázquez (Salamanca: Anaya, 1968), p. 58; Samuel Gili Gaya, «La novela picaresca en el siglo XVI», in Historia general de las literaturas hispánicas, III, reimpresión (Barcelona: Vergara, 1968), 95; Alberto del Monte, Itinerario de la novela picaresca española, trans. Enrique Sordo (Barcelona: Lumen, 1971), p. 41, and the studies cited in his note 196, not all of which are readily accessible to me; Francisco Rico, La novela picaresca y el punto de vista, 2d ed. revisada (Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1973), p. 15, and also, briefly, in his La novela picaresca española, I, 2nd edition (Barcelona: Planeta, 1970), p. 59, n. 80; Lazarillo, ed. Alberto Blecua (Madrid: Castalia, 1972), p. 16 (and we should also mention, regarding relations between the chivalresque and the picaresque, Blecua's important article, «Libros de caballerías, latín macarrónico y novela picaresca: La adaptación castellana del Baldus (Sevilla, 1542)», Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, 34 [1971-72], 147-230); Hans Gerd Rötzer, Picaro-Landtstörtzer-Simplicius. Studien zum niederen Roman in Spanien und Deutschland (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgeselschaft, 1972), pp. 8-10; Ulrich Wicks, «The Nature of Picaresque Narrative», PMLA, 89 (1974), 245.